My thesis examines the relationship between the media and environmental public policy created in Congress through a media analysis of case studies.

Methods:

I conducted a media analysis on the coverage of the North Cape oil spill to assess the relationship between the media and environmental policy on a local level. My media analysis consisted of identifying themes in the print and broadcast coverage and assessing the accuracy of information purveyed using a count of experts and corrections as a proxy. I then compared the themes that surfaced in the analysis with topics that appeared in interviews with Congressional staff members and the legislation their Congressmen introduced as a result of the spill. I also asked the staff members for their opinion of the depth, breadth and accuracy of the coverage. Finally, I conducted a media analysis over a 16 year period to assess the relationship between the media and environmental policy on a national, longer term level.

Findings:

I identified eight themes in both the 29 articles in the Providence Journal coverage and two and a half hours of ABC 6's coverage of the North Cape Spill that spanned the first five days after the spill: environment, economy, outrage, politicians, public volunteers, history, recreation and state pride. The print coverage quoted 32 experts and the broadcast quoted two. The broadcast coverage corrected itself six times, whereas the print coverage corrected itself once. I found the broadcast coverage was more concentrated in the first two whereas the print coverage was mostly concentrated in the third and fourth days. I then examined the legislation that was introduced to Congress as a direct result of the spill from two different perspectives. First, I examined the legislation by identifying topics in the text of the legislation.
Five themes surfaced in the media and appeared in the legislation: the environment, economy, outrage, history and politics. What the media felt was important about the spill, was also what the Congressmen felt was important about the spill. In comparing the amount of Congressional activity concerning oil spills from 1980 to 1995 with the number of articles written about oil spills in The New York Times, The L.A. Times and The Washington Post. I found that when the media coverage of oil spills went increased, the Congressional action concerning oil spills did as well.

Conclusions:

The media has an effect on Congressional environmental legislation via two different pathways. First, the media raises public consciousness about environmental issues. This task is accomplished by combining information with drama; the print media provides more accurate and researched information, while the broadcast media sacrifices accuracy for the drama of instantaneous coverage.

Second, the media serves as a voice for public opinion. The media provides an additional means of representation for the public in the political process. The opinions expressed by the public in the media are seen by not only the public audience but also legislators who tune in to see the media's spin on a story.
It is important for journalists, the public, and policy makers to understand the link between the media and environmental public policy. Journalists and their editors must realize that the topics or themes they emphasize in their coverage can be reflected in legislation, as in the case of the North Cape spill. The public needs to be aware that the information they are receiving from the media may not always be accurate. The policy makers should understand the process through which the public is influenced by the media. The incorporation of the public's perception of risks as portrayed by the media into legislation ought to be tempered with actual environmental risks in order to create the best environmental public policy possible.